Tuesday, 13 November 2018

The arts have hijacked culture and left many people out: Tasmanian of the Year, Scott Rankin

On Mornings with Sarah Gillman
The arts have hijacked culture and left many people out, says Tasmanian of the Year and Big Hart’s Creative Director, Scott Rankin, in a platform paper for Currency House. He says the arts need to be more inclusive and diverse in its thinking about what art is and move away from the “fine dining” model that exists in Australia. His paper, titled Cultural Justice and The Right to Thrive, argues cultural rights are as essential as education and health, an issue of justice to allow all Australians to add their voice to our national story.
 Duration: 17min 20sec
Broadcast: Thu 1 Nov 2018, 8:30am

Monday, 22 October 2018

reality hacking


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 http://www.realityhacking.com/project.php?id=96






REALITYhack7250

COMMUNITY OF OWNERSHIP AND INTEREST NOTES


Communities of people have many things in which they share a sense of ownership - for example roads, schools, a health service, even a landscapeThose with such an interest form the Community of Ownership and Interest – its COI – for those things.

All too often a COI's shared ownerships and interests are down played and may even be belittled or denied –particularly when contentious or complex issues are involved. However, recognising the layerings of ownerships and interests, and the social cum cultural dynamics involved, can offer a way forward in dispute resolution plus better, and more inclusive, understandings of 'place'.



If we listed 'the things' that had a COI we would include items and locations that were owned by the public – public places and spaces – such as a park, or a river, a monument and/or memorial; an institution and/or a heritage building; a museum; a water supply and/or a forest; a festival and/or a ritual; clearly the list is as endless as the kinds of attachments people have for places, things and events. And the there is the issue of 'cultural property' and 'cultural knowledge' where there are subliminal layers of 'cognitive ownerships' that increasingly come into play with the changing ways Indigenous cultural material – Australian & other – is currently being understood.

Indeed, individuals within a place’s/event's/space's/knowledge system's COI will almost certainly have multiple layers of ownership and interest in it. The ‘truth’ in the ownership and interest here is ‘cognitive,’ a matter of ‘lore’ rather than ‘law’ – that which is taught; hence to do with wisdom; concerning cultural knowledge, traditions and beliefs. It pertains to cognition, the process of knowing, being aware, the acts of thinking, learning and judging. If we take a museum as an exemplar, museums are to do with cognition – musing; the contemplative; the meditative. If we look at courts, then they are to do with power over conduct; enforcement and authority; control and regulation, guilt and innocence – none of which have a place in musing places, nor much to do with musing.


Furthermore, members of the COI should be understood as having both rites and obligations commensurate with their claimed ownership, expressed interest and their relationship to the institution and its overall enterprise.


A member of the COI may also be referred to as a “stakeholder” but stakeholdership in its current usage has generally come to mean a person, group, business or organisation that has some kind vested or pecuniary interest in something or a place.
Typically, 'stakeholders' assert their rights when there is a contentious decision to be made. However, 'stakeholders' are rarely called upon to meet or acknowledge an obligation. Conversely, members of a COI will have innate understandings of the obligations that are expected of them and the rights they expect to enjoy – indeed, there are likely to be stakeholders in the COI mix.

It is just the case that for an institution say, the COI mix, when assessed from outside, is intentionally, functionally and socially more inclusive. That is more inclusive than say a list of stakeholders drawn up in respect to a development project that governments – Local, State & Federal – typically make decisions about.

Stakeholder groups and Communities of Ownership and Interest are concepts with kindred sensibilities – law and lore, the former reinforcing the latter. Nonetheless, they engage with different community sensibilities; with different expectations and different relationships – even if sometimes many of the same people have a ‘stake’ in something as well as other relationships as a member of a COI.

At the 2002 QVMAG Search Conference governance and marketing were identified as the two issues for the museum that were most in need of urgent attention. For a myriad of reasons, not the least the machinations of Local Government politics, neither have received the kind of attention flagged as being needed at the conference.


Given that marketing is the process by which organisations generate audience interest, and here, engage communities with their services, it is something that a museum's management is obliged to address in the 21st Century. It is the management strategy that underlies the operation's development and legitimises it. It is an integrated process through which organisations build strong community relationships and creates value for their Communities of Ownership and Interest (COI).

THE OWNERSHIP ISSUE

Interestingly, at a 'Search Conference' – a three day affair in 2002 – attended by people interested in the the Queen Victoria Museum & Art Gallery (QVMAG) the issue of 'ownership' was contested. The attendees, all of whom were self selected, were clearly members of the institution's COI and they clearly understood themselves in that way. That they did so, and collectively, and that they identified themselves as a COI, the issue of 'ownership' in 'lore and law' is not insignificant. it is all the more so in regard to local governance where 'the governors' typically rank themselves at the top of a pyramidal hierarchy in contests of authority. 

At the time, Launceston's non-residents were being charged a $10 entry fee to the QVMAG. Attendances were falling and the recurrent costs of the institution were rising – and have done since albeit stabilised in the last decade. Despite the outcomes of this conference and the Chamberlain Report that was commissioned by Council following the conference, and that advocated change for the QVMAG, the institution is in essence currently still trying to address the same set of issues as before 2002 – albeit stimulated by a different set of circumstances. In essence, Council's 'operational wing'has rejected the 'COI concept' in favour of maintaining the 'imagination of the institution's ranked stakeholdership'

There is a very good case to contest this 'understanding' that owes its foundation to 'hierarchical managerialism'. the operational manifestation of this phenomena in recent years has worked assiduously to eclipse Council – the elected representatives – in its policy setting and strategy determination.

Arguably, the City of Launceston – and somewhat perversely – has allowed management to blur the governance and management roles and functions of not only the QVMAG but across the entire 'local governance operation' in the City of Launceston. Moreover, there is a very good case to be put that all this has been, and is being, to the detriment of the city and the Communities of Ownership and Interest across the full spectrum of the city's cultural realities.

Clearly this history played out in the QVMAG has inhibited the effectiveness of the QVMAG's marketing as much as as it has other components of Launceston's cultural landscape and social networks – indeed the city as a whole. It turns out that the QVMAG is the fraction that mirrors the whole and that this is informative.

The 2002 Search Conference was in fact an early demonstration of the levels of the diversity of and the passionately asserted ownerships of and interests people had invested in the QVMAG as institution.

It was also a pointer to the unrealised outcomes and the missed opportunities the museum's governance, and consequently its marketing needs that are yet to be addressed as comprehensively in 2018 as it was identified that it needed to be in 2002.

Ultimately, all this is a 'failure of governance' and there is no other way to dress up the circumstance in order to soften the realisations of faltering outcomes and the diminishment of opportunities.


DEFINITION: Community of Ownership and Interest: (compound noun/proposition) an all-inclusive collective/community of people, individuals and groups, who in any way have multi layered relationships with a place or cultural landscape and/or the operation of an institution, organisation or establishment – typically a network. 
Usage and context: cultural geography; civic and environmental planning; and community administration REFERENCE: Dr Bill Boyd, SCU et al
CONTEXT NOTE: Used in opposition to ‘stakeholder’: one who has a legitimate interest, stake and/or pecuniary interest in an enterprise, endeavor or entity. Also used to demonstrate inclusivity as opposed to the exclusive implications attached to ’stakeholder’.

TASMASNIAN TIGERS LAUNCESTON MALL










Thylacinus cynocephalus - brizmaulus


9 Lesser Known Facts About Thylacine A.k.a Tasmanian Wolf Two of the Thylacines were displayed on the Tasmanian Coat of Arms. You can notice red lion’s holding a shovel as a tribute to Tasmania’s miners. Kevin Green CLICK HERE FOR SOURCE WITH IMAGES

The thylacine, or commonly known as the Tasmanian wolf or Tasmanian Tiger is believed to become extinct in the 20th century. Almost 80 years ago, the last thylacine died at the Beaumaris Zoo in Hobart. 

1) How did it get name – Thylacine Tiger It got a name because it behaves and acts like two animals. They were nearly related to canines and felines. The thylacine was neither a completely wolf nor a tiger but a marsupial related to the Tasmanian devil. 

 2) Thylacine Tasmanian Wolf Size Thylacines were the world’s largest pouched carnivore. They measured 100-140cm;s long and the tail added 60-65cm to its length. Tasmanian Tigers weighed 30-35 kg's. They looked like dogs with yellow fur with black strips all the body and had the rodent-like tail. 

3) Thylacine Tasmanian Wolf Diet They were meat eaters. They were noted hunting sheep, kangaroos as their food. The lesser-known fact about these Tigers was that they could open their mouth up to 90 -120 degrees but they were unable to kill large prey because of their weak jaws. 

4) They can hop on Two Legs Just like other animals Thylacine walks, run, but some footage showed up that they could hop on two legs. They were seen bouncing for quite a short period of time. 

5) Thylacine Tasmanian was Found Carved In Rock Art Some 40,000years ago, an artist left his painting on a rock in northern Australia. The site also involved different figures of human, fish and Kangaroos. 

6) Physical Appearance Of Thylacine The female thylacine had a pouch but unlike other marsupials, this pouch opened to the rear portion. Males had a scrotal pouch in which they could withdraw their scrotal sac. Sometimes they were also referred to as the yellow-brown coat with unique stripes on the back and because of that thin tail, it got its nickname as the tiger. 

7) Thylacine Tasmanian Wolf Off Springs A female Thylacine could carry 3-4 hairless babies, as they grow up the pouches expanded to accommodate them. As they became some mature, the female Tasmanian would leave the young ones in a lair such as cave and leave for hunting. 

8) Tasmania’s Government Started Protecting Them Just 2 Months Before the Last One Died The last Thylacine was the male tiger. He was noted one cold September night, he succumbed to the cold temperature and died without any whisper. Just a couple of months before he died, Tasmania declared the Thylacines as the protected species. (1.2)

9) Thylacines Footprints Were Unlike other native animals like cats, wombats, these Thylacines had a large rear pap and 4 pads arranged in almost of the straight line. Their claws were non-retractable.